Tony Quinn is a former Republican strategist and co-editor of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan analysis of legislative and congressional elections.
The 2012 election may have spelled the end for a 30-year boomlet of Republican legislative and congressional representation in Sacramento.
The key issue for California’s 2012 election is turnout. The presidential election, a key motivator for voters, might be of little help this year. It’s not shaping up to be a persuasion election, despite the millions being spent on advertising. And because it’s not a battleground state, California could see participation wane.
If the people of California won’t vote to tax Big Tobacco or Big Oil, why does Gov. Jerry Brown think they’ll vote to tax themselves?
California’s polls will look decidedly different in June. Instead of the customary partisan primary ballots, this year’s options will include all the candidates for a particular office, and voters can choose any candidate, regardless of their own party registration.
This year, for the first time in a decade, California is likely to see seriously contested races for Congress. That is because the new Citizens Redistricting Commission dismantled the 2001 congressional gerrymander that kept almost all districts safe for incumbent parties.
“We intend — on our own as the majority party — to do all that we can to put people back to work.” So says Senate Majority Leader Darrell Steinberg. Well, that certainly is good news.
In 1970, California’s Legislature was declared the model for America, and it was an honor well deserved.
We’ve had several months of the new administration of Gov. Jerry Brown. There are remarkable similarities — and a few notable differences — between the Gov. Brown of 2011 and the governor Californians first saw 36 years ago.
The most important political event for the Central Valley in 2011 will be the April release of new California population figures by the U.S. Census Bureau. For the first time in our history, the state is growing no faster than the nation.
In 2006 the Legislature and Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger enacted the California Global Warming Solutions Act. The objective of the act was to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in California to 1990 levels by 2020 and further reduce emissions by 80 percent of 1990 levels by 2050. The California Air Resources Board is charged with implementing the regulations.
Two years ago, I wrote in this column saying that Republican Congressman Dan Lungren might be in trouble in the November 2008 election. It seemed like a stretch at the time. Lungren had won re-election in 2006 with 59.5 percent of the vote against a weak Democrat, emergency room physician Bill Durston. However, a look at party registration trends showed that the district was trending Democratic. By 2008, the large registration edge enjoyed by Republicans this decade had all but disappeared.
Everyone seems to agree we are in a mess: collapsing state revenues, inadequate infrastructure, schools that don’t educate — you name it. So who is guilty? Here’s a rundown of the usual suspects and one new one.
This summer, the Milken Institute released its second report on manufacturing in California. Seven years the institute sounded the alarm that California was losing its manufacturing edge, the driving force for postwar prosperity from the aerospace industry through high technology. The institute said policy makers should pay attention to the state’s manufacturing decline.
In the dead of night last February, while trying to find the final votes to pass the budget, exhausted California legislators unknowingly set in motion a major change in how we do politics in this state.